A Neglected Human Rights Tragedy of Sidamas after May 24, 2002

By B. Dukamo

This week marks the second anniversary of the Looqe massacre. Two years on, justice is denied and human right abuses are continuing unabated in Sidama of Southern Ethiopia. This article attempts to review the social, political and historical context of the May 24, 2002 killings of Sidamas. Inter alia, condemning the absence of any kind of inquiry despite the loss of 46 lives, 44 injuries and hundreds of imprisonments due to brutal, excessive and savage usage of live ammunition by the Ethiopian defence forces to disperse peaceful marchers from Awassa and surrounding villages. Peter Takirambudde- Human right watch, Africa director, described this usage of brute force against unarmed civilians as, "There is simply no excuse for shooting into crowds of civilians ". Attention is paid to the atrocities committed against civilians, specifically community and political leaders as well as members of the Sidama zonal council who condemned the brutal massacre of Sidamas. Furthermore, the May 24, 2002 massacre of Sidamas is discussed as neither accidental nor is it an aberration or mistake by over zealous political cadres. These atrocities are in fact woven into the very political fabric of the fundamental policy choices made by the ruling EPRDF in which Ato Meles Zenawi’s Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) dominates. In conclusion, some future scenarios are examined to ascertain to what extent they might hinder the prospect of justice to the forgotten in Sidama.

Background

To present an account of the complex human right situation of Ethiopia is well beyond the scope of this report; however, mention should be made of the nature of governance and human rights in Ethiopia at least since 1991. The ruling front has a long history of violence as a regimented guerrilla organisation. Its political choices of Stalinism and idolisation of the late Albanian dictator Enver Hoxha did little to temper its tendency to resort to arms and to violence to "settle" problems. The TPLF in power, that is to say the EPRDF, has no in built mechanisms to check or temper its proclivity to excesses. 

It is practically a one party state concentrating power in the hands of the dominant TPLF. The army, security and police are mainly made up of the TPLF or Tigreans (the ethnic group of the Meles Zenawi). The judiciary is not independent rather subservient to the system. Violations have not been checked nor perpetrators punished. The parliament is justifiably labelled a rubber stamp one, the rulers’ trample on the rule of law as a matter of course. It can be said that the political system in place favours, if not presupposes, the violation of the human rights of the people. The ruling power in Ethiopia, the EPRDF, has left no single human rights factor eulogised and it is showing no signs of respecting Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

 Consequently, almost all-independent rights groups have rigorously condemned it. Ethiopians, through their trade unions, political organisations or individually through tiny available means continue to demand the government to stop its violation of rights. However, the government's response to this right full demand has been detention, kidnapping, extra judicial killing, torturing and harassment. Violations of basic human rights have been publicised in a variety of fora. Against the background of the current re-alignment of ‘anti-terrorist regimes’, which Ethiopia is a member, it is particularly interesting to note how the western press, human right scholars and visiting western politicians have been commenting on Ethiopia’s human right performance. To mention some, in an article of 27 November 1997, entitled ‘federal sham'; The Economist expressed dismay at the discrepancy between Ethiopia’s stated policy position on human rights and its actual behaviour:

In the Oromia and Somali regions, parties that had established strong local identities by fighting the Mengistu regime, such as Oromo Liberation Front and the Ogaden National Liberation Front, have been suppressed as ‘terrorists’. In deed, both these parties grew out of gorilla movements. But the government also accuses the All Amhara People’s Organization and the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Coalition of waging war, without producing much evidence that these parties use or advocate violence. People unwilling to join the EPRDF, let alone those known to favour secession, are described as ‘narrow nationalists’. They are often imprisoned and their meetings banned. In Oromia and Somali regions human right groups have documented hundreds of ‘disappearances’.[1]

The Washington post, in article of the 13^th April 1998, deplored Ethiopia’s dismal performance in the areas of development and protection of human rights relative to expectations. This article offered a detailed account of an emerging trend of systematic abuse not only against dissidents and sympathisers of opposition movements but also of civilians and professionals, concluding that the current regime in Addis Ababa had ‘detained more journalists in the previous three years than any other African government’. Apparently, Ethiopia ranked second to Turkey in the late 1990s as the harshest regime on journalists in the world. The Washington Post cited an estimate made by the International Committee of the Red Cross regarding the number of political prisoners in the country, which ICRC had put at 10,000 inmates.[2]

In similar vein, The Christian Science Monitor, in its 23 April 1998 issue, similarly accused the Melese Zenawi regime of heinous human right atrocities. The paper linked the brutal nature of the regime’s practices to the fact that the ruling ethnic group is a minority representing only five percent of the country’s total population. In the process of trying to enlarge their political base, the paper asserted, the TPLF was naturally inclined, like any other minority rule, to overstep the boundaries of civil and political rights.[3]

In addition, after a visit to a number of countries in east Africa in 1995, Harry Johnston, a US Democrat congressional representative from Florida and chair of the congressional committee for Africa in the 104^th congress, vehemently criticised Ethiopia for its total disregard of international human right standards. He asserted that ‘there are more political prisoners in Ethiopia than in the rest of sub-Saharan African countries combined’. [4] Another congress representative, Elijah E. Cummings of Maryland, gave a cogent account of the EPRDF regime’s blatant breach of international and domestic human rights laws in the first session of the 105^th Congress:

Sadly, the removal of the communist military dictatorship of   mengistu Hailemariam in May 1991 has not yielded the fruits of a functioning democracy. The Ethiopian people are not benefiting from the so-called peace dividends of the new world order. Instead, the country remains—saddled with a minority based ethnic dictatorship. The government continues to divide the nations people into ethnic- based Bantustans, or enclaves, each purposely pitted against the other with the goal of facilitating the dictatorial regime---Chaos is likely to continue to reign as long as the ethnocratic government is allowed to continue to monopolize political, economic, military and political powers, and to pursue its policies of setting Ethiopian’s against each other. Ethiopians are disturbed that Western support is bolstering the misrule of Ethiopia by an ethnic minority and against the universally accepted principles of human rights, majority rule, and representative democracy.[5]      -

Sidama and Southern Region in its historical setting

As a background to a discussion of the May 24, 2002 massacre of Sidamas and the subsequent hardships, in human right terms, inflicted up on the victims, relatives of the victims and on those who protested against the killings, a brief synopsis about Sidama’s historical trajectory is presented below.

Located in the Southern part of the country, Sidama has a population of 3 1/2 million people. It is composed of one ethnic group -the Sidama who have own identity, history, language, traditions and culture. Until to the mid nineteenth century, Sidama was an independent tribal area. Although Ethiopian history is fraught with controversy, there is undeniable fact that for thousands of years people trekked across the area, through centuries of collusion and collision moving back and forth with the larger neighbouring ethnic groups: The Oromo, Amahara and others. It was incorporated into the Ethiopian empire by Menlik, the Abyssinian Emperor, who expanded his borders south as the European scramble for Africa began earnest in the middle of the 19^th century. 

Like other groups in southern Ethiopia, the Sidama people have been exploited and faced constant discrimination by the dominant Abysinnian ethnic groups. Many were used as slaves and displaced as property was given by the imperial regime to the people of the north for their contribution in creating the imperial state. In this regard, Waugh's Observation in his travels in Ancient Abysinnia (1936) is interesting:

“The pagan peoples of the South and West were treated with wanton brutality unequalled even in the Belgian Congo. Some areas were depopulated by slavers; in others, Abysinnian officials, with retinues which varied in size from a royal guard to a standing army, lived upon the work and taxes of the original inhabitants; their function was not to protect but to hold in subjection; fighting was the only occupation they recognised".[6]

As history is written by the victorious, Abysinnian kings are believed as modernisers in the north; however, in the south the view is far different. A fact, which cannot be disputed, is that slavery continued in Ethiopia until the 1930s. The admission of Abysinnia to the League of Nations was delayed because of the existence of the slave trade within the country at the time of its application.

Although the slave trade stopped in the 1930s the discrimination continued throughout the imperial regime and that of the Derg. The results of this can be seen from the fact that, notwithstanding the relatively large population, no Sidama people hold positions of power in Ethiopia. After the demise of the military regime in May 1991, the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), an umbrella organisation of ethnic-based organisations under the control of Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), came to power. At the same time, the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) came to power in Asmara, the capital of Eritrea that de facto - and with the consent of EPRDF  - became independent after a thirty-year-old secessionist war against the imperial and military centralist regimes of Ethiopia. In the past decade, 1991-now Ethiopia elevated ethnicity into the basic form of political expression. As article eight of its 1995 constitution states: "All sovereign power resides in the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia" (Federal Negarit Gazeta, 1995). “ Self-determination for the nationalities” implying ethnic-based federal government system was introduced.

According to the party in power in Ethiopia, the country instituted a federal arrangement along ethnic lines in an attempt to resolve its chronic ethnic conflicts (Kidane, 2001). Subsequently, the Southern nations were divided into regions eight, nine, ten, eleven and twelve. However, in 1994 TPLF officials recklessly banned this arrangement and created what is now cumbersomely called Southern Nation's Nationalities and Peoples Regional State composed of 50 ethnic groups in one region.

Therefore, the creation of SNNPR was also a violation of sub-article 2 of Article 47 of chapter 4 of the constitution, which states ‘the nations, nationalities and peoples within states provided under sub-article 1 of this article shall have the right to establish at any time a state of their own’. Professor Bahru Zewdie, a leading history professor and a person known for his centrist remarks noted the following with regard to the plight of the Southern people:

The last and final irony is the condition of the peoples of southern Ethiopia who, more than any other nationality, have been subjected to centuries of oppression and injustice. In the last centuries, they have been subjected to acts of injustice ranging from alienation of land to mass enslavement. And yet, the kind of self-rule right granted them under the new political dispensation has been dubious and controversial. Not only has a regional administration been set up that does not represent the history or language of any of the constituent nationalities, but this region has also had the distinction of being the scene of ethnic strife and the target of armed assault by government forces. And yet (and this is another dimension of the irony), the people of this same southern region have demonstrated a sense of Ethiopian-ness that is not inferior (and sometimes in fact superior) to that exhibited in any other region.[7]

The governance of Sidama was never stable and democratic as central government directly appoints zonal chairpersons and all the zonal executive committees through TPLF “advisors” or "watchdogs". This can easily be understood from the fact that in the past 12 years 9 different chairpersons were appointed as the governors of the Zone. In this regard, Lovise Aalen from Michelson Institute conducted, a detailed study on the operation of the so- called federal system in Ethiopia in general and in SNNPR in particular.

In southern region, it appears that the empowerment of the local administrative units and implementation of national self-determination also are severely hampered by direct interference from the central party. The activities of the centrally assigned party advisors is not restricted to the regional level, but is extended to both the zone and woreda, and even to kebele level. At the time of my data collection, people mentioned several TPLF-cadres active on the on sub-regional level. A number of “ordinary” people told stories where these cadres had intervened directly in meetings and public gatherings at local level and demanded that the speakers should hold their talks in Amharic, so that they could take record of the discussions. --- Names that were mentioned were Tewolde Berhan Gebrehiwot assigned in the Hadiya/Kambata zone and Gebrewahid (second name unknown) in Sidama zone. Both Hadiya/Kambata and Sidama are areas were the opposition parties in the region have strong support, Hadiya National Democratic Organisation in Hadiya and Sidama Liberation Movement in Sidama.[8]

Jon Abbinik described this as “Tigraynisation” of regional power structures in Ethiopia.[9] The federal showcase of TPLF is part and parcel of the "Tigraynisation" project of the Ethiopian body politic through the 'revolutionary democracy' discourses and strict accountability upwards in a democratic semblance institution of "gemgema". Further, TPLF basing itself on the key postulates of revolutionary democracy, it claims, it is primarily concerned about collective rights of citizens not individual rights as if there is a Chinese wall between these two hand and glove concepts of human and peoples rights. Judged even in its own shambles of collective right, the recent genocidal massacres in Tepi, Awassa, Oromia and Gambella are clear witnesses of the intention of the government than its empty rhetoric that are designed to hoodwink the international donor community. Therefore, as Lovise observed it there is a contradiction on the rhetoric and practice of the right to self-determination where federal states have meagre authority to administer their own internal affairs but they have the right to secede.

Several writers like Abbink 1997; Brietzke, 1995; Aalen, 2002 have noted these apparent paradoxes in the Ethiopian federal arrangements. On the one hand, the nations, nationalities and peoples have been granted the right to exit from the federation if certain conditions are fulfilled. This makes the independence of the constituent units more extensive than in other federal systems. On the other hand, the powers of the member states are relatively meagre, and the regional governments remain dependent on the federal level to be able to carry out their duties. As expressed by Brietzke, the constitution “proposes few self-determination remedies, since nothing is specified as lying in the gaps between secession, quite a narrow form of self-determination and a limited cultural autonomy”.[10] Although each national group in SNNPRS has a constitutional right to self-determination, there are many examples of conflicts were national groups in the region have demanded an own administrative structure, but the federal and regional government has attempted to deny them the right.[11] Therefore, it is in this lens that this paper revisits the quest of May 24, 2002 marchers and the subsequent massacre of civilians. Special emphasis will be placed on the atrocities committed against the civilians. The paper also discusses the hardships, in human right terms, inflicted up on the Sidama people in the aftermath of the mass murder.

This report requests all peace loving bodies to press for an independent inquiry with regard to the Locke massacre. This request is a reflection of several factors. One is a continuation of the unremitting campaign on behalf of the victims and being part and parcel of this oppressed community, we firmly believe the establishment of an independent inquiry is the only landmark on the road to justice for the victims and relatives of the victims where all the truth is established, and told. Secondly, after refusing for an independent inquiry, the government appointed the vice president of the Southern region to conduct its internal investigation who himself is implicated with the killings. In the words of US state department bureau of Labour, democracy and human right country report on human right practices stated that, “The Government has refused to allow an independent investigation of the incident, and has appointed the Vice President of the Southern Region, who himself reportedly was implicated in the conflict, to head the Government's internal investigation.”[12] More sadly, even the result of the so-called internal investigation was not made public. This rushed affair resulted in mass imprisonment, termination of employment, torture and expulsion of 200 policemen, (who said the killings were unlawful) to create a smokescreen to hide the evil deeds of the Ethiopian authorities and defence forces who brutally killed innocent civilians. Thirdly, the Locke massacre had to be set in the broader context of 13 years of continued suppression of dissent by the TPLF/ EPRDF and the quest for democracy and self-government from the Sidama people. Fourthly, impunity reigned supreme in Ethiopia, if not punished, it continues to breed itself and untold pain and agony goes unabated. Therefore, this incident should be contextualised with unfolding scourges of genocide that is being perpetrated against the Anuaks, the Sheko-Mejenger, the Oromos and other oppressed nations in Ethiopia.

The may 24 Killings and the aftermath government response to it

To cover up its atrocious human right abuses, the government as usual shouted a deliberate lie about the intention of 10,000 demonstrators. The government claimed 'the demonstrators were mere rioters and thieves. Which were provoked wrongly for the fact that they were told their city was sold'. This ludicrous allegation to insinuate hard working farmers, businesspersons, students and civil servants as mere thieves can easily be disproved from the placards that were held by the demonstrators, the letter of notification that was submitted to the regional government, the experiences and observations of civilian eyewitnesses. This partisan and flawed version of the event that is at odds with the fact was propagated by the president and vice presidents of the southern region in tandem with Minster of information Bereket Simon (the de facto president of the region replacing Betew Belay) who are implicated with the killings. The government through its monopoly of power released its bogus allegation of blaming the victims and told to the world that they were killed because they stood for a less worthy cause. When the issue of excessive usage lethal force was raised, the government claims the perpetrators -the police were taken to court but the court released them on bail. This is a total whitewash to mute the pressure of international community, as the fact of the matter is Ethiopian defence forces did all the killings not the local police. It is now common to observe TPLF/EPRDF solders became execution squads for any opposition movement. The army that is mainly composed of Tigryans is a rock of sustaining power for the minority elite, while it is a source of fear and intimidation for the general public. Lack of sympathy to the public that claims to represent is a clear indicator of dictatorship and lawlessness. When the army opened fire on hapless unarmed civilians in Looqe (near Awassa) they were ordered to cause maximum offence to pass a lesson to any other movements in Sidama in particular and in Southern region in general. The usage of defence forces to silence dissent is rightly stated by Tronvoll et al in their book that is dedicated to revisit 2000, 2001 election in the Country; " Like almost all armies in the continent, the Ethiopian army is more an instrument for maintaining internal control than safeguarding external security, -- the peasantry expect(s) nothing from the army but control and repression"[13]

 The object of the demonstrators is not the act of 'thieves and robbers; as the government claims, but of quest by farmers and residents who fear being driven off their land and deep- seated question of regional statehood in line with countries constitution. Interestingly enough. The Ethiopian Human Right Council noted the following concerning the legality of the demonstration:

The community, on the basis of its right, under Article 30 of FDRE’s Constitution, “to assemble, to demonstrate together with others peaceably unarmed, and to petition the Government.” had notified, through the organisers of the demonstration, the concerned local Government Authorities the reasons for the peaceful demonstration/assembly, the starting and finishing time as well as the routes to be followed by the public during the demonstration. As per the programme, the demonstration was announced to take place on May 24, 2002 and it was to start 5 kilo metres outside Awassa town, at a place called  “Hoke” (sic) and was arranged to terminate at Revolution Square in the center of Awassa town.[14]

It is easy to discover the discrepancy between what the constitution says and what the customary usage is. The demand of the Sidamas is in total congruence with the basic tenets of the supreme law, of actual preservation and defence of their city and regional statehood as per proclamation no7/84. Therefore, the Sidamas resistance not to be evicted from their land and not to lose their capital is a legitimate defence of its liberties and privileges is not irresponsible particularism at the expense of other southern nations. This fear of eviction is due to unjustifiable ownership of the land by the state where with the stroke of a pen thousands of farmers will be evicted.

Therefore, this report condemns without equivocation the absence of any kind of inquiry. The reign of impunity has to end, justice has to be done, and truth has to be established, and be told. This event should be audited by taking into account the many thousand civilian testimonies and release the so-called ringleaders who are suffering in appalling prison conditions in Awassa and surrounding villages.

In short, inline with a common sense conviction to truth and justice to the victims and relatives of victims: transparent, independent official inquiry in to the killings is the only road to justice.

Incidents that led to the May 24 march

As it is stated above, the reasons for may 24 march are many and diverse as it can be learned from the plea cards, the agenda set and from the opinions of the participants. A close look to the incident shows the localism of Ethiopian politics and the vibrancy of the youth movement inmost parts of the country. It is also observed that there is no central control and co-ordination in among themselves like other global social movements. This general trends in the country and coupled with barbaric response of TPLF soldiers, led to the discontinuity of these kinds of movements. To place the Locke march in political context, which led to savage massacre of Sidamas, it is plausible to see in light of thirteen years of TPLF/EPRDF torture and suppression of other movements in the country. It is rightly labelled as political Schizophrenia- the necessity to seek justice more vigorously while being aware of its risk it involves especially from the army.

The march was non-violent and constitutional, as many of the demonstrators were aware of the brutal nature of the government; they opted for peaceful means, though the non-violent approach proved equally unproductive. The novelty of the march was the people's discipline, vigour and determination to speak out non-violently despite the real risk of being killed. Symbolising peace they were all holding tree leaves-which are symbols of peace according to Sidama culture. Elders and local leaders blessed the march warning any violent act contradicts with the basic norm and value of Sidamas "seera". However, the deadly shooting was over in milliseconds following a whistle from the commander in chief of the army Sergeant Tsehaye. Neither the local police nor the marchers got the chance to stop the march. In addition, the whole scene became chaotic disarray and peoples cry for help after being shot savagely. The fact remained that the Sidama radicals and "ordinary" moderates demonstrated their ability to organise very large, but peaceful protests, in Sidama.

The movement was not monolithic. One might argue at least three elements were involved: an emerging young professional class, recent graduates and teachers from all over Sidama; a small band of radicals ranging from individual members of Sidama Liberation movement to young activists; of any or no political persuasion; and concerned "ordinary" Sidama nationals who are frustrated by a mounting repression and total lack of development.

The May 24, 2002 march brought a very large numbers to the streets in acts of civil disobedience, which were peaceable. Therefore, it is plausible to argue peaceful march in Sidama was likely to prove an effective lever for social change, which can be replicated. However, blatant repression, torture and intimidation of dissent by this despotic government would widen the gap, rather than it closes it. What is certain for Sidamas in the aftermath of May 24 massacres is the democratic rhetoric of TPLF/EPRDF is a sham. As Ivan Marovic stated, 'it goes like Newton's third law of action and reaction. When you raise the level of repression, resistance goes up as well'.

A close investigation of an amateur video taken at the start of the demonstration have led to the unhesitating conclusion that the march was a peaceful quest for the right to self-determination with no sectarian intention to upset other oppressed nations in Awassa. Here below some of the statements from the placards are stated:

 “The Constitutional Rights of the Sidama Zone people should be respected.”

“We have no objections to EPRDF’s policies.”

“What is the reason for the decision that Awassa town could not also be the capital of the Sidama Zone Government?”

 “We request our regional statehood as per proclamation no 7/84.”

"People like Melese Merimo and others don't represent us.”

 Often, the Ethiopian government justify excessive usage of lethal weapons to disperse peaceful demonstrators due to its inability to afford Cs gas and other mob-control mechanisms including rubber bullets, a usual excuse that is designed to serve the international community. However, the truth is how can a government that happens to spend 3m dollars a day for a war with its neighbour Eritrea for two years can't afford simple crowd dispersing mechanisms? Further, they also claim the police force needs training on the notions of democracy and human rights. This is a crude joke purposely designed to cheat the international donor community, as in most cases it is the military not the local police that is used in large-scale sadistic massacres as that of the Tepi, Gambella and Sidama. These premeditated and targeted crimes against humanity are purposely designed to create the climate of fear and silence any dissent in the country. In the case of the Locke massacre, the reason for heavy hand repression of the demonstrators is for the reason that, the opposition movement was growing against the regional and federal officials. It is worth to note that, the government acts based on its official ideology of "revolutionary democracy" that follows Mao's dictum of 'power comes from the barrel of the gun'.

Some of the logical question that the government should respond is; under which legal provisions were the soldiers brought? Who requested their assistance and who ordered the killings? Lastly, who ordered the stationing of the army in Awassa in the aftermath of May 24, 2002 for constant torture and harassment of Sidamas?

In the Locke massacre 40 died, 44 wounded and five disappeared. Those who disappeared were believed to be devoured by wild animals. After being shot they escaped to the bushes and died, as they were unable/feared to come out for medical attention. The army, in its breath taking arrogance closed the scene of the massacre for weeks to prevent any kind of investigation or assistance to the victims.

In its legal rhetoric again, in the aftermath of Locke and Tepi massacre, the rubber stamp Ethiopian parliament refused to discuss the matter despite the loss of hundreds of lives. It legislated a new act that gives the federal government more power to intervene in such incidents. This measure was widely praised by the western diplomats: "as a hope to reduce such similar occurrences". However, the fact of the matter is, the problematic of Ethiopian politics itself is undue and informal intervention of Meles's regime in the internal affairs of the regions. This fact can be substantiated with a recent barbaric massacre of 1,300 Anuaks by Ethiopian defence forces.

Three facts are significant after May 24, 2002 incident. One is that most of the victims were bled to death. Had a simple tourniquet been applied or had the army allowed the public to pickup the wounded a lot of life could have been saved. The five disappeared which the local community evidently claims they were eaten by Hyenas, created anger, hatred and fear against the army and the government. The second point has been the resurrection of some militant groups like the Sidama Liberation front, which claimed responsibility for the killing of Sidama Zone Education Department Head; and this latter led the whole nation under siege for the past two years. The third point is TPLF/EPRDF will never have the legitimacy or the moral authority to rule in Sidama. Therefore, the May 24, 2002 massacre had a deleterious effect on the political process, which was already volatile, more importantly, this incident is highly understood and documented by international community which demanded-and failed to- get an independent inquiry into the deaths of 46 Sidamas.

Despite Sidama people's quest for: regional autonomy, maintaining Awassa in Sidamas jurisdiction, to achieve justice within the context of the prevailing constitutional and legal system is possible. However, subsequent torture of the organisers of the demonstration, detention of Sidama officials who renounced the killings, shows how TPLF/EPRDF is not loyal to its own discourses of rule of law and democracy.

Lastly, the Locke massacre, thanks to the propaganda merchants and lack of interest from some governments of the west, it is now a closed book, with the Sidamas who demonstrated to blame. Blaming the victims and deliberate lying is not a new incident with TPLF/EPRDF regime. The attitude of some western governments especially that of the US in relation to the Locke massacre is documented in a comprehensive study by Human Rights Watch on Human rights violations against the Ethiopian public in general and on students and teachers in particular. Quoting one European diplomat in Addis Ababa it states that, “They think, what is one hundred deaths in a country of some 65 million?"[15] This is racism in its profound sense because we still have not come to the point where African or Ethiopian lives are worth as much as other lives in the eyes of many people, it is too bad that we are still in that era that we don't see that we are all part of the human race.

Therefore, the above account shows that the transgression of human and peoples right in Sidama remains dismal and it is unlikely to improve significantly in the foreseeable future. The quest for justice to be done is resulting in continuos, systematic torture, and subsequent exile from the country. In its recurrent obsession with clinging on to power, TPLF/EPRDF is compelled to suppression of national minorities. As TPLF/EPRDF is subtle in its suppression of dissent there is only one possible scenario, to smokescreen the May 24, 2002 incident by firing the vice-president of the region who is widely criticised for the human right violations when he is not needed in the system. However, all the torture, killings and suppressions are synchronised actions with a full knowledge of the TPLF dominated ministry of Federal affairs. Again, the chances of seeing the real culprits behind the May 24, killings seem dim and one should guard against any illusions in this respect. A continuos alert and publicising recurrent human rights transgressions as widely as possible remains one essential way to draw attention to the enduring anomalous position of the Sidama and the Sidamas.  

B. Dukamo can be contacted at siidaamo@yahoo.com

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